All the main party manifestos from the 2005 general election are analysed in depth from a democratic perspective below:

Liberal Democrat Manifesto
Analysis posted 19 April 2005

The Liberal Democrat manifesto is more detailed than the Conservative one, less than the lengthy Labour programme – but its proposals are generally firmer, especially on democratic matters. The manifesto divides into eleven sections: Health; Education and Skills; Justice and Crime; Economy and Business; Pensions and Benefits; Local Communities; International Affairs; Rural Affairs; Transport; Better Government; Environment.

As ever, our focus is on their proposals for democratic change and civil liberties. The main chapter dealing with democratic reform is the penultimate one – as with the Labour and Conservative manifestos, arguably tucked away at the end, reflecting a perceived lack of importance.  However, the Liberal Democrats, as discussed elsewhere on this website, have a record of raising important democratic reform issues for as long as the modern manifesto has existed.  They continue to do so in their latest publication, though remaining open to the charge that they are seeking to alter the rules of the political game in such a way as to favour their own party.

Electoral Reform
The Lib Dems maintain their long-term commitment not only to electoral reform, but also to the  Single Transferable Vote (STV).   They propose to introduce STV for elections to the House of Commons,  for all local elections in Britain, for the House of Commons, the Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales.  Thus they would abandon elections under the proportional Additional Member Systems (AMS) for devolved elections in Scotland and Wales.  There is no mention of a referendum being held before the change.   Quite how far they would be open to negotiation on the principle of PR and systems is not clear.  Under Paddy Ashdown, they were being prepared to accept AV-Plus, the partially proportional system advocated by the Jenkins Commission, for elections to Wesminster; and there were suspicions that the leadership may have been open to persuasion on accepting the non-proportional Alternative Vote that would have benefited them.

The Liberal Democrats ‘will review the European electoral system so people can choose their MEPs personally, rather than just vote by party list as at present.’ Their manifesto proposes that ‘At the age that people can marry, leave school and start work, [presumably 16 years of age] they will have the right to vote.’

The Liberal Democrats support ‘a predominantly elected second chamber’, but do not say what the electoral system would be.

Central democratic reform
The manifesto notes that ‘In recent decades Prime Ministers have exercised a growing domination over the political system, insufficiently accountable to Parliament or the people.’  It proposes to ‘curb this excessive concentration of power.’  But while Liberal Democrat plans would serve to limit executive power, they do not propose to introduce a written constitution nor any plan to  codify the position of prime ministers within the executive and with respect to their cabinet colleagues.  That might be achieved by providing for independent ownership of the Ministerial Code, which refers to principles such as the need for collective decision-making, but is presently controlled, interpreted and enforced by the premier.  One of the proposals the Liberal Democrats do make is to ‘cut back [the Prime Minister’s] powers of patronage, in particular through our plans for a predominantly elected second chamber.’

In accordance with suggestions by MPs of all parties and a number of observers, the manifesto pledges to ‘make the Royal Prerogative powers which the Prime Minister exercises – such as decisions over war and peace – subject to parliamentary accountability.’  The Liberal Democrats advocate ‘a War Powers Act to require Parliament’s authority before a government takes Britain to war.’  They  reiterate the belief – which all the main parties in theory share, but only the Liberal Democrats mention in their manifesto – in a Civil Service Act, as ‘a barrier to politicisation of the civil service.’

The manifesto promises that ‘We will…strengthen the powers of Parliament to scrutinise the actions of the Government, enhancing the Select Committee system.’  It offers no detail on how this will be done.

In order to ensure that the BBC is free from political influence and is properly regulated, the manifesto proposes to ‘scrap the current government-appointed Board of Governors, and introduce a new, independent external regulator appointed by Parliament.’

Another Liberal Democrat objectives is to ‘cut the excessive number of government departments and reduce the number of government ministers by over a third.’  The Department of Trade and Industry would be abolished.  The party will ‘move government bureaucracy out of London, saving money on office rents and spreading wealth and jobs more equally through the UK.’

National, regional and local democratic reform
The manifesto promises to ‘strengthen the powers of the Northern Ireland Assembly and extend primary legislative powers to the National Assembly for Wales.  In consultation with the Scottish Parliament, we will consider how to extend its role.’

The party plans to replace Council Tax with  a Local Income Tax, ‘based very simply on the ability to pay.’   The manifesto states  that ‘We will free local councils from many of the stifling controls of central government so that they can innovate and deliver services that meet local people’s real needs.’  The manifesto argues that councils should ‘become genuinely accountable to their local communities rather than being agents of Whitehall.’  In order to ‘cut bureaucracy and increase effectiveness’ the Liberal Democrats propose to ‘cut the burden of inspections, merging eight government inspectorates into one, a streamlined and independent Audit Commission.’

The party proposes to shift ‘The powers of many unelected regional and national quangos and administrators…to cities and counties, including returning to County Councils their strategic planning role.’  In addition, ‘The healthcare planning role of Primary Care Trusts will be given to elected local social services authorities.’  There is a contradiction between enhancing the powers of local authorities but at the same time creating new bodies with their own democratic mandates – perhaps blurring accountability in the process.

At regional level, the manifesto advocates placing ‘remaining regional functions into a single agency, increasing accountability to the local community through an executive comprising councillors elected from the cities and counties, rather than appointed by the Secretary of State.’  There will also be ‘a new system for dividing up government funding fairly within the UK’ – presumably devised at and co-ordinated from the centre.  This proposal could shake up the existing allocations of central funding to the disadvantage of Scotland, but to the advantage of northern regions in England.

International organisations, international rule of law and treaty obligations
Arguing ‘we should not have gone to war in Iraq’, the manifesto states ‘Britain must never again support an illegal military intervention.’  It says, ‘The best way to achieve security and to tackle the threat from terrorism is through international action.  Britain must work through the United Nations, as a committed member of the EU, and with the US to promote international law, democracy and respect for human rights.’  This is a general rather than specific statement and skates over the awkward issues that arise, such as the evident need for the international community to devise ways in which action could be taken to halt genocide or mass slaughter in particular countries.  Perhaps this issue is covered more circumspectly in their advocacy of  ‘reform of the UN and the EU to make them more responsive to international challenges.’ 

The Liberal Democrats remain convinced Europeans. Their manifesto supports the EU Constitutional Treaty, with British membership subject to a referendum.  With the aim of achieving the Millennium Development Goals by 2015, ‘Liberal Democrats will increase British aid spending from 0.35 per cent of Gross National Income today to at least 0.5 per cent by 2007-08, and set out detailed plans for it to reach 0.7 per cent by 2011 at the latest.’  They will work through the EU and the World Trade Organisation to bring about fairer terms of trade for developing world countries.

Environmental issues are given prominence throughout the manifesto.  The Liberal Democrats promise to ‘make sure that Britain achieves its targets from the Kyoto Protocol…well before the deadline.’  It calls for Britain and the EU to ‘take the lead on negotiations for the next set of targets for greenhouse gas emissions

Justice and Crime
The manifesto proposes a generally more liberal approach to law and order than either Labour or the Conservatives, in some ways reminiscent of Blair’s old ‘tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime’ slogan.  However, the Liberal Democrats have bought into the idea that an increased police presence, unhindered by supposedly excessive procedures and regulation, will inevitably reduce crime.    The Liberal Democrats propose ‘getting rid of Labour’s expensive, illiberal and ineffective ID card scheme’ – claming this will ‘pay for 10,000 police on top of Labour’s plans.’  The party supports the existing plan for 20,000 more community support officers, backing up police.  Similarly to the Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats promote the idea that the police are tied down by unnecessary paperwork – ‘We will give the police the technology they need, and simplify the bureaucracy they face, to allow them to spend more time on patrol and less time tied to the desk.’  The manifesto opposes ‘criminalising people possessing cannabis for their own personal use.’

The Liberal Democrats support the more extensive use of community work – as opposed to prison sentences – for non-violent criminals.  Community Justice Panels will give ‘local people…more say in the punishment offenders carry out in the community’ – an example of direct participation by citizens in the criminal justice process.  And, like its counterparts produced by the two other main parties, the manifesto advocates measures to reduce anti-social behaviour.  They include ‘cracking down on licensees who serve people when clearly drunk or underage.’  So-called ‘Acceptable Behaviour Contracts’ will be used to stop noisy and offensive behaviour, ‘agreed between the individual, their family, the police and the local authority.’  There is a vague reference to the need for ‘appropriate measures to tackle underlying causes’ of anti-social behaviour.

Proclaiming ‘It’s time to make prison work’, the manifesto calls for ‘increased resources for education and training’ for prisoners, ‘so that they learn the skills to acquire a legitimate job.’  Commitment to educational improvement ‘will be one of the factors used when considering [prisoners’] release date, as part of our emphasis on tackling the causes of crime.’

The Liberal Democrats ‘oppose moves to reduce or remove rights to jury trial.’  The manifesto notes that ‘Liberal Democrats achieved substantial amendment of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, but it still has serious flaws, and we will repeal it.’    They agree with the widely-voiced call to ‘admit evidence from communications interception.’  This will make possible the use in courts of intelligence information that is presently inadmissible.  As a result, they assume that it may be possible to prosecute terrorist suspects – a better course of action than imposing restrictions on their liberties without trial.  However, that would depend upon the intelligence information on which suspicion is founded being sufficient to convince a court, something which at present we cannot know, since it is secret.  Slightly confusingly, the Liberal Democrats believe that control orders may still be needed, stating that ‘they must be granted by a judge, be time-limited and be subject to a high standard of proof.’

The manifesto praises Britain’s ‘proud record of granting safe refuge to those fleeing persecution.’  It proposes ‘a dedicated agency’ for better, quicker asylum decisions.  The Liberal Democrats will ‘work within the EU to develop common standards so that all EU countries take their fair share of refugees.’  Significantly, the party proposes to ‘end asylum seekers’ dependence on benefits, allowing them to work.’

Notably, immigration is dealt with in the ‘Economy and Business’ section – in other words, it is not treated as a problem in its own right, or lumped together with asylum.  The party notes the long-term value of migrants to the British economy.  It advocates consultation with business and the public sector to establish the number of work permits that should be issued.

The Liberal Democrats support ‘a  Single Equality Act to outlaw all unfair discrimination…thus giving equal protection to all’ (a welcome proposal that also finds its way into the Labour manifesto).  They ‘will establish hate-crime investigation units in each police force to co-ordinate information and action against racism, homophobia and other hate crimes.’

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Labour Manifesto
Analysis posted 14 April 2005

At 102 pages, the Labour manifesto is more than three times longer than the Conservative one.  So it is unlikely to be read all the way through, but it does give voters more substance and policy detail.  There are, however, some problems with a lack of clarity - for instance, the theme of balancing rights and duties is a prominent one, but it is not always apparent where rights end and duties begin.  Since Labour is the party holding office, some of the space is taken up with justifications of its record.  Labour has used its position in government to trail much of the manifesto in five-year departmental plans - a use of official authority for partisan purposes.  Similarly the 2005 Budget was used to cost Labour's programme for a prospective third term.

The manifesto divides into nine chapters: Economy; Education; Crime and Security; NHS; Older people; Families; International policy; Quality of life; Democracy.  Like the Conservative manifesto, the main proposals for democratic reform are at the end of the manifesto: perhaps a signal that neither party regards them as central to a bid for victory.  Labour's lead theme is the need to 'embed a new progressive consensus'; one of 'economic progress and social justice.'

Central democratic reform
Amongst the proposals for Parliament, the most significant omission is that there will be no reform of the royal prerogative powers presently used by ministers to carry out a range of functions, such as going to war and making treaties, without the need to consult  Parliament.  Blair's decision to go to war against Iraq highlighted Parliament's weakness (though he did concede two parliamentary votes).  In opposition Labour policy was to put these powers on a statutory basis, guaranteeing a role for Parliament; and there is now growing political pressure for reform fuelled by an influential report by the Public Administration Select Committee.
Labour 'will…continue to support [House of Commons] reforms that improve parliamentary accountability and scrutiny led by the successful Modernisation Committee.'  But proposals for parliamentary reform are almost exclusively concentrated on the House of Lords, not the Commons.
The manifesto proposes the removal of hereditary peers from the Lords and promises a free vote  on the future composition of the Lords - though a similar provision failed to deliver any agreement over reform in the last  Parliament.  The aim is to create a second chamber which is more representative, effective and legitimate than the current House, but which will not challenge the primacy of the House of Commons. Therein lies the rub - a return to Labour's previous commitment to an elected second chamber would create a rival to the popular House.
This may be why the manifesto suggests investigating 'alternative forms of scrutiny that complement rather than replicate those of the Commons.'  Is that the cue for a reduction in the powers of the Lords? There's also talk of codifying the conventions of the Lords - one of these (not mentioned) was the famous Salisbury convention, by which the Lords traditionally did not vote down legislation promised in the government's manifesto.  Some observers have suggested that this convention should no longer hold now that the Lords is more legitimately composed - which would clearly be problematical for the government, as it would amount to another check on the executive.  Perhaps that is what Labour has in mind.  It is clear that the government has become impatient with the check on its legislation that the more confident second chamber now applies.  In the press launch for the manifesto, Blair reiterated his view that a mixed chamber comprising both elected and uneleted members was not desirable - but he did not make it clear why.  His implication when making such statements is that it should remain wholly unelected.
Labour continues to be 'committed to reviewing the experience of the new electoral systems - introduced for the devolved administrations, the European Parliament and the London Assembly.  A referendum remains the right way to agree any change for Westminster.'  But there is no commitment to holding such a referendum, even though this was one of New Labour's earliest proposals.
The party will 'continue to work with the independent Electoral Commission to explore how best to support the vital democratic role of political parties while recognising that campaigning activity must always be funded by parties from their own resources.'
Labour promises 'to explore new and innovative forms of public engagement' in policy issues and dilemmas.  It is not clear how it intends to involve representative samples of the public in policy making.

Local and regional democratic reform
The manifesto proposes to transfer power to the most local level, through such measures as 'Community funds for local neighbourhoods to spend on local priorities' and 'New opportunities for communities to assume greater responsibility or even ownership of community assets like village halls, community centres, libraries or recreational facilities.'  The manifesto states that Labour will 'extend the right to establish  parish councils to communities in London.'  Central government and local authorities will be encouraged to work with mutuals, cooperatives, and Community Interest Companies.  'Social entrepreneurs' will be supported.
The approach to local government  is  contradictory, signalling an intention to shift power downwards, yet retaining all the powers to direct local government and set standards that successive governments have built up.  Labour promises 'further freedoms to deliver better local services, subject to minimum national standards, with even greater freedoms for top-performing councils.'  Whether a council is 'top-performing' will presumably be determined according to criteria drawn up at the centre.  Reduction of bureaucracy and simplification of funding streams for local councils is promised.  The party 'will…give councils greater stability by providing three-year funding.'
Labour 'will ensure that councils are organised in the most effective way to lead and support local partnerships and deliver high-quality services.  We will explore giving people a more direct opportunity to express a view about whether they would like to have a directly elected mayor.  We will also consult with city councils on the powers needed for a new generation of city mayors.  And we will examine the case for simplifying the current local government election cycle by moving towards "whole council" elections every four years.'
The manifesto proposes to 'continue to invest in local services with year-on-year increases in grants to local councils, and will not hesitate to use our capping powers to protect council taxpayers from excessive raises in council tax.'
Labour is 'committed to reforming council tax and will consider carefully the conclusion of the Lyons Review into local government finance.'
Labour hints at certain decentralising reforms without fully spelling out what they might entail.  More powers are promised for regional bodies though the latter are unelected and there is no mention of further referendums on elected regional assemblies after the no-vote in the North-West last year.  A review of the powers of the London mayor and GLA are promised, and the Welsh assembly will get greater legislative powers.  But there is a certain vagueness here.  The manifesto says: 'In Wales we will develop democratic devolution by creating a stronger Assembly with enhanced legislative powers and a reformed structure and electoral system to make the exercise of Assembly responsibilities clearer and more accountable to the public.' How is the electoral system to be reformed?  By strengthening the first-past-the-post element of it (to make it 'more accountable to the public')? The manifesto does not say. (The current AMS electoral system, with 2/3 of AMs elected by first-past-the-post in constituencies and 1/3 on regional lists has not quite delivered a Labour majority in the assembly - a small tweaking upwards of those elected in constituencies would achieve that.)

Equality
The most significant new pledge in this area is to introduce a Single Equality Act that would put the protection of all minorities on an equal statutory footing.  Government ministers have consistently resisted proposals for such a measure, such as the private members bill introduced in the House of Lords by Lord Lester.  This would represent a real advance towards a more equal society.
Labour 'will introduce a…duty to promote equality of opportunity between women and men, and will further extend protection against discrimination on the grounds of religion and belief.  We are committed to improving the rights and opportunities of gays and lesbians.'
The party intends 'to give people of all faiths the same protection against incitement to hatred.'  It is proposed to 'continue the dialogue we have started with faith groups…about how best to balance protection, tolerance and free speech.'
A promise is made to 'continue to bear down on abusive or frivolous claims' under the Human Rights Act.
Labour will establish a Commission on Equality and Human Rights. 

'Safe Communities, secure borders'
Law and order is an area where the requirement to provide security for citizens potentially clashes with other human rights.  The manifesto states 'We prize the liberty of the individual; but that means protecting the law-abiding majority from the minority who abuse the system.'  Labour proposes measures to combat anti-social behaviour that will give greater power to police and local authority officials; it will also change rules on evidence, allowing it to be given anonymously by victims of such behaviour.  It is not clear how this will work when the accused represent themselves.  There will be an increased use of electronic tagging for criminal offenders who have been released from prison.  The manifesto states that 'we will test the use of compulsory lie detector tests to monitor convicted sex offenders.'
Labour claims, 'It makes sense to provide citizens with [a] secure identity card to protect them at home from identity theft and clamp down on illegal working and fraudulent use of public services.  We will introduce ID cards, including biometric data like fingerprints, backed up by a national register and rolling out initially on a voluntary basis as people renew their passports.'
Lately, measures taken against international terrorism - including restrictions on the freedom of suspects, without trial - have eroded certain human rights.  There is evidence that aspects of Labour's approach to terrorism have been not only unfair but futile: since 11 September 2001, there have been 702 arrests under the Terrorism Act, mostly of Muslim males, but only 17 convictions.  The manifesto proposes 'new laws to help catch and convict those involved in helping to plan terrorist activity or who glorify or condone acts of terror.'
While there are positive references to migration in the global economy, Labour has obviously felt unable to ignore the attention which the supposed problem of immigration and asylum has attracted.  Overall, Labour is keen to emphasise the benefits to Britain of skilled migrants, but it knows it is vulnerable on immigration, so it has balanced these positive remarks with tough measures to deal with abuses of the system.  It will introduce 'a points system for those seeking to migrate here.  More skills mean more points and more chance of being allowed to come here.'  It goes on, 'By 2008, those needing a visa to enter the UK will be fingerprinted.  We will issue ID cards to all visitors planning to stay for more than three months.  Over the next five years we will implement a new electronic borders system that will track visitors entering or leaving the UK.'
There are tough words for unfounded asylum claimants.  Labour will 'Fast-track all unfounded asylum seekers with electronic tagging where necessary and more use of detention as we expand the number of detention places available.'

International organisations
Labour's manifesto makes a number of proposals with implications for international co-operation, the international rule of law, and human rights and other treaty obligations. While they are frequently admirable, how they will be delivered in the absence of support from other major world powers such as the US (or China and Russia) is unclear.
Labour  describes the EU Constitutional Treaty as 'a good treaty for Britain and for the new Europe' which it will 'put…to the British people in a referendum and campaign whole-heartedly for a "Yes" vote to keep Britain a leading nation in Europe.'
During the UK's European presidency, Labour promises to 'work to promote economic reform; bear down on regulation; make progress in the Doha development trade round; bring closer EU membership for Turkey, the Balkans and Eastern Europe; and improve the focus and quality of EU aid so it better helps the poorest countries.'
On the EU, the manifesto promises to 'maintain our common-sense policy…The five economic tests must be met before any decision to join can be made.  If the Government were to recommend joining, it would be put to a vote in Parliament and a referendum of the British people.'
Labour 'will work actively to secure an international treaty on the arms trade' and will continue participating in international efforts against terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.  The manifesto iterates support for 'the universal principles of human rights and democracy' contained in the UN Charter.  It states that Labour will seek 'reform of the Security Council so it becomes more representative and has a stronger focus on conflict prevention.  We support the recommendation of the Secretary-General's High-level Panel for a Peace-building Commission to assist countries emerging from conflict and to develop mechanisms to enhance conflict prevention.  We will press for more radical reform of the UN humanitarian system, so it is better equipped to save lives.'
Labour supports 'reform of the World Bank and IMF to improve transparency, give more say to developing countries, and, with the EU better focus their efforts on the poorest countries, particular Africa.'
Labour promises to use the UK position as chair of the G8 'to lead internationally on climate change…and promote an international dialogue to reach agreement on the long-term goals and action needed to stabilise the level of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere.  We will also work for effective international action to adapt to the impacts of climate change.'
The manifesto states that G8 chairmanship will enable the UK to continue to press for 'a doubling of aid backed by getting agreement to an International Finance Facility as supported by the Commission for Africa.'  Since 'aid will not be successful without conflict prevention, good governance and zero tolerance of corruption' Labour supports 'faster repatriation of stolen assets from UK financial institutions, ratification of the UN Convention on corruption, and more open and accountable reporting of revenues from oil and mining.'  The manifesto promises to 'press for an international agreement on universal access to AIDs treatment…and for all people in poor countries to have access to free basic healthcare and education.'  Labour will 'press for the conclusion of an ambitious trade deal that will completely open markets to exports from poorer countries; for further reform of rich countries' agricultural subsidies.'

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Conservative Manifesto
Analysis Posted 12 April 2005

The 2005 Conservative Election Manifesto is notable for its brevity and relatively narrow scope.  In the sense that this enables the broadest possible readership to understand it quickly this is positive from a democratic perspective.  On the other hand, many of the proposals are not clearly defined or explained, leaving unanswered questions and clouding the possibility of future accountability.

The manifesto is successful in providing voters with a version of possible democratic enhancement, particularly in the areas of decentralisation of power and greater government accountability, though subject to the lack of clarity referred to above.

On the negative side, it attacks certain principles of human rights and suggests removing measures for their protection, as well as withdrawing from international treaty commitments.

It has six themes: 'More Police', 'Cleaner Hospitals', 'Lower Taxes', 'School Discipline', 'Controlled Immigration'; and 'Accountability.'
The success of Labour's five pledges of 1997 appears to have influenced this presentational approach.  However, Tony Blair's pledges were for more tangible achievements, and were attached to a more substantial manifesto.

Decentralisation
In his introduction, Michael Howard advocates devolving 'power from the centre to our communities.'  The manifesto proposes 'genuine local accountability' for the police through 'elected police commissioners.'  It criticises the NHS as too centralised.

The Conservatives 'believe in devolving power down to the lowest level so that local people are given greater control over their own lives. . . Local communities will have a greater say over planning decisions.'

The manifesto proposes to 'abolish Labour's regional assemblies. Powers currently exercised at a regional level covering planning, housing, transport and the fire service will all be returned to local authorities.'

The Conservatives 'remain strongly committed to making a success of devolution in Scotland, so that it delivers for the Scottish people.'  However, 'In Wales we will work with the Assembly and give the Welsh people a referendum on whether to keep the Assembly in its current form, increase its powers or abolish it.'

The promise to 'appoint a Homeland Security Minister to co-ordinate our national response' to terrorism, however, suggests the creation of highly centralised new authority.

Westminster, Whitehall and Europe
Arguing that 'The House of Commons needs to be made more capable of
standing up to the executive' it proposes to 'strengthen select
committees and make time for proper scrutiny of all legislation.'
Cutting the number of MPs 'by 20 per cent' is presented 'As part of our drive for efficiency across Whitehall and Westminster' - a curious justification for such a step, but the only one offered.

The manifesto proposes that 'exclusively English matters should be
decided in Westminster without the votes of MPs sitting for Scottish
constituencies who are not accountable to English voters. We will
act to ensure that English laws are decided by English votes.' There are some problems with this proposal.  The definition of 'exclusively English matters' is not clear.  Decisions not applying directly to Scotland may well have an impact upon it.  It is possible that a future Labour government could have a minority of English MPs, meaning that the Conservatives could block policy deemed to be English.  A de facto English Parliament would be created, one chosen - unlike the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly - through the highly unrepresentative first-past-the-post system.  Finally, it is Members of the Scottish Parliament, not Scottish MPs, who vote on devolved matters, whereas the Conservatives are proposing that English MPs should vote on 'English' decisions.

The manifesto advocates 'a substantially elected House of Lords', but provides no more detail than that.

The Conservatives propose to 'freeze civil service recruitment, remove 235,000 bureaucratic posts, and cut or abolish 168 public bodies.'

There is little reference to reform of government communications, but it is stated that, 'If a Conservative Government ever has to take the country to war, we will tell the British people why. Mr Blair misrepresented intelligence to make the case for war in Iraq.'
There is no mention here of any measure to require parliamentary approval, or indeed, to reform the sweeping royal prerogative powers that enable ministers to go to war, make treaties, and negotiate abroad with little  formal parliamentary accountability or scrutiny.

Howard promises in the introduction to 'settle our relationship with the European Union by bringing powers back from Brussels to Britain.'
The manifesto opposes the EU Constitution and entry into the Euro and promises 'the restoration of our opt-out from the Social Chapter.' It also says a Conservative government 'will negotiate to restore national and local control over British fishing grounds.'  Again, there is no hint that carrying out this pledge will be far harder than making it - or what his government would do if other member states rejected these proposals.

Crime and security
Howard's introduction says a Conservative government 'will tilt the balance in favour of the victim.'  An expansion in the prison population is intended, along with 'tougher sentences for career criminals.'  The party is promising 'robust anti-terror laws.'  It is not clear whether it is felt the laws presently in place are not robust enough.  As discussed elsewhere, elected police commissioners, and a 'Homeland Security Minister' are advocated.  There is a call for 'Giving local people a say over police priorities.'  Greater school discipline is also portrayed as a preventive measure.

Immigration
Immigration is central to the Conservative campaign.  Howard's introduction refers to British values including 'a tradition of tolerance, a love of freedom . . . a concern for the underdog.' But he goes on to describe a supposed 'out-of-control immigration system.'  The need for 'controlled immigration' is given its own section in the manifesto, but also referred to in the part dealing with law and order, linking immigration with crime.  In the description of health policy, it is stated that 'We will introduce health checks for immigrants in order to curb the spread of diseases such as TB and to protect access to our NHS.  It is, after all, a national health service not a world health service.'  Anyone from outside the EU coming to Britain for more than 12 months 'will have to demonstrate that they have an acceptable standard of health and that they are unlikely to impose significant costs or demands on Britain's health system.'  Immigration is thereby portrayed as a health issue, too.

The Conservatives portray immigration and asylum as part of the same supposed problem.  They state 'This Government has lost effective control of our borders . . .Our asylum system is in chaos.'
The solutions the manifesto proposes for immigration include 'a points-based system for work permits . . . This will give priority to people with the skills Britain needs.'
For asylum, the Conservatives promise to 'take back powers from Brussels to ensure national control of asylum policy, withdraw from the 1951 Geneva Convention, and work for modernised international agreements on migration.'  In future 'Asylum seekers' applications will be processed outside Britain.  We will set an overall annual limit on the numbers coming to Britain, including a fixed quota for the number of asylum seekers we accept. Parliament will set, and review, that number every year.'

'Political correctness'
Apparently responding to tabloid coverage, the Conservatives have recently turned their attention to gypsies as well as immigrants and asylum seekers.  The manifesto suggests 'new powers to help local councils to deal with those incidents, such as illegal traveller encampments, which breach planning laws. Together with clear guidance for police and our review of the Human Rights Act, this will ensure fairness for all, rather than special rules for different groups.'

'Political correctness' - though never defined in the manifesto - is described as though it is a tangible entity the presence of which in public life can be measured and if necessary removed.  The party proposes to 'root out political correctness' from the education system.  The law and order section promises 'Less paperwork and political correctness' - thereby linking what the Conservatives portray as an overly bureaucratic state with the values of a supposed liberal establishment and suggesting that 'political correctedness' shackles the police.

The campaign slogan, 'Are you thinking what we're thinking', provides an intangible opening for voters to assume that the Conservatives share potential prejudices; and being against 'political correctness' and for 'fairness for all' encourages this kind of identification.  The idea that ethnic minorities in general and asylum-seekers in particular are unfairly given extra benefits and privileges by a liberal state is one of the under-currents that have fed into the appeal of the far right.

Tying this rhetoric into a 'review' of the Human Rights Act, which is portrayed in the tabloid press as a charter for unpopular minorities, seems to indicate an ominous slide into populist exploitation. However, the party makes it clear that it is committed to 'traditional liberties'.  To that end, it says it will hold a free vote on the restoration of hunting with dogs.

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British National Party (BNP) Manifesto

The BNP launched the largest and most comprehensive manifesto in its history on 23 April - St George's Day.  The large and wordy document, which runs to 54 pages on the PDF file on the BNP website, is intended to demonstrate that the BNP is neither a single-issue party nor 'an ephemeral protest group'.

The manifesto, entitled Rebuilding British Democracy, is divided into 18 sections that explain BNP policy not only on EU withdrawal, control of immigration, 'Britishness' but for policy areas such as taxation, public spending, education, transport, the environment, etc.  On taxation, the BNP proposes to abolish income tax and replace it over time with a consumption tax.

But the emphasis is on traditional BNP themes which colour its policies in these other areas.  British democracy, the manifesto asserts, is 'a sham and an illusion'; its parliaments and assemblies are merely 'rubber-stamping closed shops for rule by diktat from Brussels and Strasbourg', which rarely considers the interests of the majority of the British peoples. Instead, for 30 years there has been a raft of repressive legislation to stop multi-culturalism from 'falling apart'. 

The BNP would return power to 'the men and women of Britain',  restoring security and freedom and giving them 'genuine ethnic and cultural diversity and the right of all peoples to self-determination' - including the 'indigenous peoples of these islands'.  The ruling regime has abandoned the concept of 'Britain' in its pursuit of globalisation and nears totalitarian rule in its determination to impose multi-culturalism by politically correct laws that outlaw free speech.

Leaving the EU
Withdrawal from the EU, an aspiring super state, would be 'the single most important foundation stone of our rebuilt British democracy'. European nations such as Norway achieve higher standards of prosperity than the UK outside the EU which costs Britain about 2% of GDP. But the greatest single threat the EU poses comes with plans to expand into Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, and further still, opening up western Europe and the UK to more gypsies and muslims.   The political and media deceit that has taken the UK into the EU will end 'on the day the BNP win a general election and ceremoniously tear up the Treaty of Rome on the following morning'.

Rebuilding democracy
The section on democracy begins with the ahistorical and inaccurate claim that,'This country is the birthplace of modern democracy'.  The BNP goes on to portray itself as standing in the tradition of Magna Carta, the Peasants Revolt, the Levellers, Chartists, 'early Labiyur movemwent' and suffragettes who previously fought for liberty and political association. 'Now our dearly-bought birthright of freedom is under mortal threat once more'.

Political and civil rights
The section draws attention to the power and reach of the surveillance state, but suggests that other BNP policies rejecting mass immigration and introducing the death penalty for terrorists will make unnecessary the monstrous and un-British growth in state power to stop terrorism. But an underlying theme of the whole section demonstrates BNP anger with official and other attempts to counter its policies and ideas. Many of its proposals are driven by the desire to outlaw such initiatives.

Thus, the government's initial proposal to introduce postal voting across much of north England to increase turnout and so 'stop the BNP' is roundly condemned. Citing also the recent case of electoral fraud in Birmingham, the manifesto warns that while the BNP won't be 'driven into any kind of illegality', New Labour's contempt for democracy invites 'the angry young men in multi-cultural cities to conclude that violence pays'. 

Giving people 'a real range of genuine alternatives' is the answer to low voter turnout.
Instead persecution of the BNP, collectively and individually, is taking Britain down the slippery slope to being a fully-blown totalitarian state.  The BNP pledges to dismantle the 'repressive state' with the following measures:

1. Repeal all laws against free speech, starting with those on race and religion;
2. Guarantee rights of individuals and organisations who espouse unpopular causes to organise and campaign free from interference by the police, state authorities and organisations such as trade unions, employers' bodies, etc
3. Guarantee the rights of individuals to join and organise, according to their political beliefs, in trade unions and other bodies;
4. Protect political parties by making violence used for political purposes a criminal offence;
5. Disband all government-sponsored attempts to 'exploit ethnic minority voters' by programmes such as Operation Black Vote;
6. Ban postal voting except for the sick and elderly; keep the traditional ballot box and ban electronic alternatives;
7. Instruct the Electoral Commission to stop organisations which are not contesting elections to denigrate the parties or candidates standing (thus circumventing rules on campaign spending);
8. Ban opinion polls in the last three weeks of an election campaign;
9. Outlaw state, corporate, pressure group and trade union funding of political parties, obliging them to rely on their own supporters to fund their activities;
10. Reject ID cards.

Democracy and the media
The BNP will pass laws to dismantle 'the dictatorship of the media over free debate', as the party stands for the 'revolutionary principle' that the press and broadcast media must tell the truth.  To avoid the dangers inherent in expropriation, on assuming power they would first negotiate with proprietors to end abuses; they would replace the compromised Press Complaints Commission with a 'truly independent' body; and would create a new criminal offence to prevent the 'deliberate dissemination of falsehoods' about an individual or organisation for financial or political gain.

Immigration
The manifesto claims that immigration threatens Britain's 'very existence', arguing that immigration increases the crime rate, unemployment, welfare dependency, educational failure and 'other social pathologies'. It pledges immediate action to deport illegal immigrants and to take 'sovereign physical' control of Britain's borders by a 50% increase in budgets and personnel (even including troops redeployed from Iraq by a new BNP government).  If Japan, 'that other great island state,' can secure its borders so can Britain. 

Immigration needs to be regarded as a matter of National Security, as the existence of Islamic terrorist cells in Britain plotting mass murder here shows.

The BNP would abide by Britain's obligations under the 1951 UN Convention on Refugees, but since refugees must seek and be given refuge in the 'nearest safe country', Britain's obligations would extend to refugees fleeing from Denmark or France. As for refugees and illegal immigrants, there would be 'no blind eyes turned to violations, no amnesties to reward law-breaking, and no extensive system of appeals against legal decisions.'

The BNP calls for
· 'an immediate halt to all further immigration'
· 'the immediate deportation of all bogus asylum seekers, all criminal entrants and illegal immigrants'
· 'the introduction of a system of voluntary resettlement, with generous incentives for immigrants and their descendants and for their countries 'of ethnic origin'.

The party would abolish the 'positive discrimination;' schemes that have made white Britons second-class citizens.

All illegal immigrants would be removed under a two-phase programme. There would first be a voluntary registration scheme which would allow skilled and key workers to remain while they benefit the UK economy and until British workers could be trained to replace them.  All other illegal immigrants - over-stayers, casual workers, ex-students - would be entitled to free flights home with their possessions during this one-year registration period.

Under the second phase, national border authorities and the courts would deal with those who had failed to register.  They would be arrested and deported; and if arrested, they would not be entitled to remove property from the UK. . If they had children born in the UK, they could apply to be 'tagged' in their own homes until the citizenship status of their children could be determined.  There would be no provision for appeals.

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Green Party Manifesto

The key themes of the Green Party's manifesto are sustainability (economic and environmental), redistribution of wealth, localisation, democracy and peace. Overall, the manifesto recommends a statist approach to political, economic and environmental problems, with confidence in the ability of government to improve citizens' well-being, whether through taxes that alter the behaviour of economic agents or regulations and directives that control corporations and polluters. There is little faith in the ability of markets or firms to achieve socially acceptable outcomes by themselves.

Rather surprisingly, there is not much in the manifesto about civil society and popular participation.  There are demands for more local democracy (though nothing on falling turnout and the problem that presents), but it is noteworthy just how government-oriented the manifesto is - the emphasis is on the government as the solver of problems rather than voluntary groups or other elements of civil society. Despite the calls for localisation, there is an important tension between that goal and the reality of an economic and environmental framework heavily dependent on government regulation, whether at the national or international level.

Most of the ideas in the manifesto are fairly vague and lacking in detail, e.g. the party wants to promote human rights and tackle hate crimes by 'implementing strategies', but says nothing about the content of those strategies. The most detailed proposals, predictably, concern the environment and pollution.

Localisation
The Greens want economic activity oriented towards local communities and less reliance on international trade, which they believe benefits big corporations.  They want government support and protectionist measures for local production.  They prefer 'fair trade' to free trade. They also want to reform, and eventually replace, the WTO.

Democracy
At national level, the Greens want the adoption of proportional representation in local elections and for Westminster elections. They propose the possibility of recall elections at the local level and local referendums. The manifesto advocates an elected House of Lords (again, through PR). They also want a 'written' (i.e. codified) constitution for the UK.

At the international level, they want an end to veto-powers and permanent members of the UN security council, with decisions taken by majority vote. They oppose the EU constitution, but would like to see more powers for the elected European Parliament.

Peace
The Greens support an ethical foreign policy, with respect for international law and international institutions (but also a reform of the latter).  They want more aid to the developing world and the writing off of much Third World debt.

Overall, the Greens are supportive of more democracy in general, with a shift in decision-making power away from corporations to local and national government. They also support a strengthening of human rights, for example by opposing ID cards and improving rights (and welfare benefits) for asylum-seekers.

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Plaid Cymru Manifesto

Independence
Plaid Cymru's traditional purpose as a party independence for Wales.  The manifesto refers to 'independence in Europe' for Wales, subject to 'the support of the people of Wales expressed through a referendum.'  But this is a manifesto for elections to the Westminster Parliament.  Moreover, independence has now been relegated to an 'ambition' rather than an immediate objective, one not dwelt on here.  The difficulties inherent in reconciling the long-term hope of separation with a desire to wield political influence under existing arrangements are reflected in the document.

The party describes independence as involving 'full national status for Wales within international organisations such as the United Nations and the European Union.'  Yet an assumption seems to have been made that the admission of an independent Wales into the EU would be automatic and immediate - presumably jumping the queue of other, longer established nations which wish to join.  Moreover, the UN has not always recognised states seceding from larger ones as a matter of course.

Devolved and local government
In proposing reforms for devolved government, Plaid Cymru shows a willingness to operate within the existing settlement.  But it notes that, were Wales independent, it would have 'full primary law-making and taxation powers.'  Plaid Cyrmu states that 'The establishment of the National Assembly was a vital step forward in the way Wales is governed.'  It supports 'primary law-making powers on devolved issues' for the Assembly.  Plaid Cymru wants full legislative powers on education for the Assembly, to which it also believes responsibility for the criminal justice service and police should be devolved.

While endorsing 'a fairer voting system' for the Assembly, it does not state what this would be.  It also vague about what is meant by 'fair voting for local councils', simply referring to 'proportional representation', but not indicating the type of PR it favours.  At local council level, the manifesto endorses votes for 16-year-olds and 'Effective public consultation, particularly for young people and other politically marginalised groups.'  The party wants 'Recruitment of candidates for local council seats from as wide a range as possible of the local population' and 'Increasing autonomy [for] councils, especially over expenditure priorities.'

The party wants to 'scrap council tax' and replace it with local income tax.  It advocates 'local democratic accountability for public services.'  Like other parties, including Labour, it seeks to involve the voluntary sector fully in public service provision.

Equality and Rights
Plaid Cymru calls for 'a written Bill of Rights to end discrimination in all walks of life.'  The party supports 'stronger enforcement of equal pay legislation and employment rights protecting the position of part-timers.'  It advocates property, pension and inheritance rights for 'unmarried partners' who register their partnership.  The manifesto states, 'Ethnic minority communities must be fully represented on local authorities.'
Plaid Cymru supports abolition of 'the 8-week rule which currently limits the protection from being sacked for going on strike.'  The party opposes ID cards.  It has a variety of policies to promote the Welsh language, including pressing for its recognition by the EU.  But it also notes regret at the 'recent decline in English language broadcasting originating from Wales.'

Central and European government
Plaid Cymru calls for abolition of the Barnett formula by which government spending is allocated amongst the nations of the UK.  It supports 'a broad-based independent commission…to…make detailed recommendations for a needs-based formula for the allocation of public money.'  But, it might be asked, if it is possible to achieve a better deal for Wales within the UK, why is there a need for an independence movement?

Plaid Cymru draws support from rural Wales and makes a parliamentary reform proposal for the creation of a parliamentary 'Milk Ombudsman.'

Another central government change it seeks is for the establishment of 'a separate civil and public service for Wales.'

Citing the examples of Catalonia in Spain and regions in Germany, the manifesto calls for better representation for Wales 'within EU structures' - but does not iterate what this would entail.

International law and treaty commitments
At the international level, Plaid Cymru states 'We will not support UK military action which has not been approved by the United Nations under international law.'  It will continue to press for the impeachment of Tony Blair for his actions over Iraq.  Plaid Cymru advocates fairer international trade and reaching the UN target of 0.7% of national income being directed towards international aid.  It will press to ensure commitments on reducing greenhouse gas emissions are met by the UK.

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Respect Manifesto

Respect was set up in January 2004, formed out of the Stop the War Coalition.  Its manifesto proclaims that the party is 'Against war and privatisation.'  Much attention is devoted to human rights, including economic and social rights and minority rights.  The publication contains slogans that do not amount to full detailed policy proposals and/or are ambitious to the point of self-parody, such as 'An end to all forms of economic exploitation and social oppression.'  And despite the party's opposition to war, it does not call for abolition of the royal prerogative under which the executive can commit troops to military action without a need for consultation with Parliament.

Electoral reform
Respect opposes the 'First past the post election system [that] works against new, smaller parties getting established.'  The manifesto argues that 'proportional representation is a far fairer system' which should be used in 'all elections.'  But it does not state its favoured form of proportional representation.  'Votes at 16' are advocated in the manifesto.

Equality and human rights
Respect promises, vaguely, to 'End the attacks on civil and human rights' and 'Oppose Islamaphobia and the demonisation of Muslim communities.'  The manifesto advocates 'Full employment rights for all workers from day one.'

Respect argues for 'Migrant workers and asylum seekers to have the right to work with full protection of employment laws and regulations.'  The party promises to 'Defend the rights of refugees to political asylum.'  It is opposed to the 'policy of dispersal' and the 'use of detention centres for asylum seekers.'  Asylum seekers, Respect argues, should be given 'the right to food and shelter…access to education, health and social services.'  The manifesto proposes to 'End the White List of "safe" countries and end deportations.'

The manifesto advocates 'Full employment rights for all workers from day one' and The party demands an end to 'workplace discrimination on the basis of age, ethnicity, gender or life style choices.'

Respect proposes to 'Purge racists from the police and prison services.'  It seeks 'Urgent action to address the underachievement of black children and others in schools' and to bring about 'Full involvement of teachers, parents and pupils in tackling inequality in education.'

International organisations, co-operation and treaty commitments
Respect supports 'Self-determination for the people of Iraq' and an immediate end to the occupation.  It opposes 'detention without trial or charge in Guantanamo Bay or elsewhere.'  The party opposes 'the EU's "Fortress Europe" [immigration] policy.'  Respect does not support the EU Constitutional Treaty, which it argues would 'set in stone the anti-working class character of the European economy' and undermine the power of 'elected parliaments (with all their limitations).' [run on]
Amongst its international policies, Respect wants to 'Cancel the third world debt' without conditions, and to bring about 'a major increase in aid spending.'

Security and law and order
The manifesto supports 'the right to trial by jury' and promises to 'Repeal…all the anti-terrorism legislation.'  The latter commitment perhaps overlooks some of the less contentious elements of laws such as the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001, which introduced new offences for crimes where religious hatred was an aggravating factor, and tightened up the rules on bribery of foreign officials - perhaps measures Respect would in principle support.
The party's advocates 'A serious attack on the causes of crime' - deliberately echoing Blair's old slogan.  In the manifesto, the party calls for 'The scrapping of Anti-Social Behaviour Orders.'
Respect supports 'An end to police harassment and racist stop and search.'

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Scottish National Party (SNP) Manifesto

Independence, constitutional reform and rights
The SNP supports Scottish independence.  Unlike the Plaid Cymru manifesto, the SNP manifesto concentrates on the form an independent nation would take.  Like the Welsh nationalists, the SNP seems to treat full, immediate EU and UN membership following independence as guaranteed.

The manifesto, similarly to that of Plaid Cymru, supports a 'written constitution that clearly enshrines the rights and responsibilities of all those who choose to live in Scotland.'  In the constitution, equal opportunities will be guaranteed for all.  The SNP advocates that the composition of a national parliament should be as far as possible representative of Scotland as a whole in such terms as gender and ethnicity.  Scottish citizenship will be available to all those living in Scotland, born in Scotland, or with a parent born in Scotland.  Anyone else would be free to apply for Scottish nationality.  Voting would be allowed at 16 years of age.

'Citizen Debates' would be held in the independent Scottish Parliament, initiated, participated in and led by members of the public, with ministers and MSPs present.  The Scottish Civic Forum would be asked to convene quarterly 'Civic Debates', involving MSPs, members of the public and organisations.  'People's Business' in the Parliament would involve pubic polls to select a topic for debate by MSPs, with ministers obliged to respond.

The SNP notes that independence would give Scotland control over its own immigration and asylum policies.

Local government
The SNP believes that 'decisions should be taken as close to those they affect as possible.'  It aims 'to put citizens in control - to give individuals the confidence and the power to change their communities and the country for the better.'

The manifesto supports devolving - but not in a uniform fashion - greater budgets and responsibilities onto Community Councils.
SNP policy is for the abolition of council tax and its replacement with a local income tax. 

Law and order
The SNP opposes ID cards.  It wants to invest in more police officers and reduce the prison population through such measures as dealing with fine defaulters by non-custodial means.  The party advocates a 'unit fine' system, taking into account ability to pay.  It intends to seek out new alternatives to prison, and introduce flexible sentencing, such as 'weekend prisons.'

International organisations and treaty commitments
The SNP describes itself as supporting a 'confederal Europe.'  It is opposed to the EU Constitutional Treaty in its current form, mainly because it 'claims exclusive competence over fisheries resources.'  The manifesto advocates a drive towards the UN target of 0.7% of national income being devoted to international aid.  To make trade fairer, it supports 'radical reform of international trade bodies.'  The SNP believes it essential that 'public policy issues such as health, education, culture, workers' rights, food and water security be protected wherever commercial trade agreements are made.'  It would strengthen controls on arms exports.  The SNP is committed to reductions in greenhouse gas emissions as agreed under the Kyoto protocol.

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Social Democratic and Labour Party Manifesto

Good Friday Agreement
The SDLP is a Republican party, with a tradition of non-violence.  As for the other Northern Ireland parties, resolving the Troubles, while protecting a particular sectional interest, is the central issue - one of significance from the democratic perspective we take. The SDLP presents itself as the party of the Good Friday Agreement - 'stronger for each and every one of its key agreements.  Inclusion.  North South.  Policing.  Equality.  Human Rights.  Victims.  Community relations.  Demilitarisation.  Peace.'  The long-term objective of the SDLP is 'a United Ireland.'  Under the Agreement, it requires support from referendums in the North and South.  In that United Ireland, the 'SDLP believes that all the rights, protections, and inclusion that nationalists sought within Northern Ireland while it is in the United Kingdom, must equally be guaranteed to unionists within a United Ireland.  We are emphatic that unity must not be about the entrapment of a new minority.'

Equality and human rights
For the SDLP, given its historical experience as a representative of the Catholic community, there is emphasis on human rights and equality - but, to the SDLP's credit, not just to protect the Catholic/Republican community.  The manifesto refers to the objective of a 'Single Equality Bill, to harmonise protection against discrimination upwards and guarantee equality for all groups.'  The party wants to 'Outlaw discrimination in all land sales…Impose tougher penalties on persistent discriminators…Eliminate the differential in unemployment rates between the two main communities by 2011.'  It will 'Vigorously oppose any dilution of fair employment.'  There will be an end to 'discriminatory rules restricting eligibility for key civil service posts to UK nationals only.' 

In the manifesto, the establishment of a 'Equality Tribunal to hear all discrimination complaints' is advocated.  The SDLP is opposed to 'proposals to put Justice and Equality into the one department' of the Northern Ireland Executive.  It supports the introduction of 'equal pay audits to eliminate the gap between men and women's earnings' and 'a comprehensive gender equality strategy.'  The SDLP manifesto advocates implementation of the 'remaining recommendations of the Disability Rights Taskforce, in particular to ensure access to transport.'  It wants to 'Ensure full rights for children with special educational needs through new legislation…Ensure the delivery of the new race equality strategy…take a firm stand against homophobia…Provide training for party representatives against all forms of intolerance…Ensure proper accommodation for travellers…review and address the range of needs of migrant workers…Campaign for the UK government to sign the UN Convention on the Rights of Migrant Workers.'

The party advocates 'a comprehensive and forward-looking Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland by agreement between political parties and civic society.'  It wants to 'Ensure that the Government honours its…commitment to give powers of inquiry to the Human Rights Commission.'  In the manifesto, 'Credible appointments to the Human Rights Commission' are advocated.  So too is 'an All-Ireland Charter of Rights to guarantee the highest standards of human rights protection throughout the island.'  This latter agreement is something groups such as Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party would surely want no part of, making its introduction in present circumstances implausible.  The 'zero-sum game' which characterises Northern Ireland politics, meaning neither side is prepared to make meaningful concessions, is further illustrated by the manifesto's support for 'A new Sectarian Hate Crime Act.'  Amongst other measures, the law would prevent 'bands that promote hate language or use paramilitary symbols from parading', and ban 'flags and graffiti on public property, including repeal of laws requiring the flying of union flags from government buildings.'  'Outlawing sectarian chanting at football matches' is perhaps another somewhat optimistic objective.

Law and Order
The SDLP has a general commitment to 'the rule of law - not people acting like they are the law.'  It argues it is 'the only nationalist party working to deliver this.'  It is opposed to control orders as introduced by the Labour government to detain terrorist suspects, on the grounds that 'People should not be deprived of their liberty without a fair trial.'  The SDLP 'Favours the creation of an all-Ireland sex offenders register.'  It wants justice and policing to be devolved to Northern Ireland within 18 months.  It will 'Defend police primacy and oppose any role for MI5', and seek 'a single new Department to deal with both policing and justice issues.'  The SDLP advocates 'cross community safeguards so that there can be no return to the days of a unionist dominated Ministry of Home Affairs.'  There is support for 'a new generation of North-South bodies including…an All-Ireland Criminal Assets Bureau…an All-Ireland Law Commission.'  The SDLP advocates 'Radical demilitarisation over 9 months to be completed no later than Easter 2006.'

International Organisations and Treaty Commitments
The manifesto notes that 'The SDLP is committed to global co-operation…Since our formation the party has been a member of the "Socialist International" and has campaigned against injustice and conflict across the world.'  The SDLP supports 'accelerated progress in the achievement of Millennium Development Goals.'  It will 'Campaign for fair treatment of asylum seekers, including an end to the use of prison for those awaiting hearings.'  The party supports 'the creation of a Palestinian state, while firmly opposing terrorism in the Middle East and elsewhere.'  The SDLP manifesto promises support for 'building a global framework for labour mobility and developing a global environmental framework to tackle environmental issues.'  It advocates reform of international trade rules, to the benefit of developing economies.  There is SDLP support for 'the democratisation of global institutions including the UN, World Bank, IMF and WTO and strengthening of international capability to protect victims of aggression.'

The SDLP describes itself as 'the only major and consistent advocate of EU membership amongst all the parties in the North.'  It will 'continue the campaign for entry to the Euro zone…Work to develop an all-Ireland position on reform of the Common Fisheries Policy.'  The manifesto does not refer to the European Constitutional Treaty.

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Sinn Fein Manifesto

Sinn Fein is a radical republican party which contests elections in the North and the South, traditionally linked with the Irish Republican Army.  In the introduction to its manifesto, the leader, Gerry Adams MP, describes Sinn Fein as 'the united Ireland party…the party of radical social and economic change…the party of equality.'  The manifesto is substantial, more so than that of the two main unionist parties in Northern Ireland, but appeared curiously late in the campaign (on the Friday before polling day), giving voters little time to digest it.

Peace Process and cross-border co-operation
Sinn Fein describes 'Defending and advancing the peace process' as its 'primary focus.'  The manifesto goes on to state that 'The Six-County statelet has been characterised since its inception by injustice, inequality, repression and conflict.'  The mere existence of a partitioned Ireland is anathema to Sinn Fein, while a united Ireland is equally unpalatable to the Unionists.  Sinn Fein does not explicitly explain how the two positions might be reconciled.  Unionist groups have cited the failure of the IRA to disarm as the reason for their refusal to participate in power-sharing with Sinn Fein, thereby leading to the suspension of the Northern Ireland Executive.  The manifesto notes Gerry Adams's recent speech in April 2005 calling upon the IRA to 'commit itself' to peace through 'purely political and democratic methods.'

In its manifesto, Sinn Fein calls for 'Full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement' and 'Transfer of powers on policing and justice.'  The party advocates 'A ban on the use of plastic bullets' and wants to establish the 'Truth on state violence and collusion.'  There is a contrast here with the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), which seeks truth for the victims of terror, not on the activities of the state.

The manifesto argues that the Irish government should commission a Green Paper on Irish unity, 'to be published within one year.'  It states that 'The 18 Westminster MPs' should be 'automatically accorded membership of the Dail, with consultative and speaking rights.'  It is hard to imagine Ian Paisley or any other unionist making use of such opportunities if presented to them, and the attitude of citizens in the South to such a development might not be entirely positive.  Similar questions could be raised over the policy that 'Voting rights in presidential elections should be extended to citizens in the Six Counties, beginning with the next such elections.'  Sinn Fein supports an expansion in the remit of the All-Ireland Ministerial Council and the 'integration of systems, infrastructure and services…for people living within the Border Corridor.'

Equality and rights
Sinn Fein advocates 'Ensuring that the Single Equality Act is harmonised and provides the fullest anti-discrimination protection for all citizens and sectors in society.'  The manifesto calls for 'Effective measures to eradicate the unemployment differential between Catholic and Protestant males within five years.'  It supports 'More powers and resources for the Equality Commission.'  The manifesto proposes 'Anti-discrimination legislation to tackle the growing gender pay gap.'  Sinn Fein argues for 'an all-Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People' and 'an action plan to implement the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.'  It would 'promote the right of the child to be consulted on all matters concerning them' and 'Provide awareness training to all elected representatives on children's rights issues.'  The party calls on 'All political parties to sign an anti-racist pledge.'  It supports a 'Commissioner for Senior Citizens.'

Sinn Fein seeks 'an Irish Language Bill for the North which will give Irish speakers at least the same rights as those on the rest of [the] island.'  It wants 'The rights of Irish language speakers to be recognised, protected and promoted' in law.  The manifesto argues for 'The creation of a Commissioner for the Irish language in the North.'

Ireland and Europe
Sinn Fein would establish a 'Minister for Europe in any future Assembly.'  The All-Ireland Ministerial Council would be expanded 'to include the respective Ministries for Europe to ensure effective all-Ireland co-ordination on EU policy matters.'  Support is given for 'The main-streaming of EU scrutiny into all Assembly Committees.'  The 'opening of a European Parliamentary Office in Belfast' is advocated.  While the Assembly is not restored, Sinn Fein argues that 'an all-party ad-hoc working group on European Affairs' should be set up.

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Ulster Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) Manifesto

Peace Process
The DUP is a radical unionist party, which has supplanted the more moderate Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) as the most widely-supported loyalist party in Northern Ireland.  The manifesto is for the joint purpose of parliamentary and local government elections - underlining the fact that the DUP focuses on a relatively narrow range of issues at all levels of representation.  The DUP presents itself as tougher in negotiations than the UUP, using the slogan 'Unlike the UUP, when we set demands, we mean them and adhere to them.' 

The DUP argues that Sinn Fein should not be admitted into the currently-suspended Northern Ireland Executive before 'Complete visible, verifiable decommissioning [of the IRA]…A total end to all paramilitary and criminal activity…The community is convinced the IRA has been stood down.'  The latter two conditions are especially vague, and could be interpreted in such a way as to veto Sinn Fein participation in the Executive under any circumstances - perhaps the intention.  The party goes on, 'If executive devolution cannot be set up on a satisfactory basis, then the only option is to make Direct Rule more accountable and acceptable.  We will work with the Government to provide the maximum accountability in these circumstances and attempt to integrate Northern Ireland more firmly within the United Kingdom.'

The DUP 'believes the Union Flag should be flown over Local Government buildings.'  It argues that local government should be 'more streamlined and efficient…In the event of devolution, we believe the Assembly should have responsibility for most local services.'  That seems to imply centralisation of power within Northern Ireland into the devolved government.  The DUP also advocates, very vaguely, that 'Councils should be sufficiently close to the community to permit people a sense of identity in their local area.'

Other democratic issues
The DUP manifesto emphasises the importance of the constituency role of MPs.  It argues, 'The amount of time at Westminster devoted to Northern Ireland or other business of specific relevance to Northern Ireland is relatively limited.  It is essential that an MP's contribution at Westminster is backed up by delivering for their constituents at a local level.'  The party boasts of '41 DUP offices, backed up by satellite advice surgeries held at weekends mainly in outlying areas, which constitute a network of DUP representation that cannot be matched by any other party.'

The DUP is opposed to membership of the Euro and signing the European Constitutional Treaty.  It supports 'the war on terrorism' and presumably the legislation, including provision for control orders for terrorist suspects, that goes with it.  It criticises what it describes as 'unnecessary constitutional change' but does not make it clear what this means.
In the manifesto, the DUP states 'We have supported legislation to deal with racially motivated attacks and believe it is important to keep legislative provisions under review.'

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Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) Manifesto

The UUP is the longer-established unionist party in Northern Ireland which has of late been eclipsed electorally by the Ulster Democratic Unionist Party (DUP).  It is opposed to Sinn Fein participation in the currently suspended Northern Ireland Executive.  In contrast to the DUP, which emphasises the constituency role of its MPs, it boasts of the fact that 'Over the last 4 years, our MPs have asked more questions in the chamber of the House of Commons, participated in more Parliamentary debates and represented you in more Committees than all the other political parties in Northern Ireland put together.'

Equality and human rights
The UUP manifesto refers to the value of 'British democratic values…of tolerance and respect.'  The use of the word 'British' is a presumably quite deliberate signal.  There is a complaint in the manifesto that these values are 'threatened by racism and bigotry, by the cultural intolerance supported by the Parades Commission, and the partisan agenda pursued by some in the Human Rights Commission.'  As with a number of other party manifestos, including the Conservatives, UKIP and British National Party, the impression is created of a politically correct establishment serving to undermine traditional freedoms.  The UUP supports 'a Northern Ireland anti-racism strategy.'  It advocates 'freedom of peaceful assembly' and abolishing the Parades Commission, establishing 'a rights-based framework that protects the right to parade.'  The manifesto argues 'that the greatest threat to human rights comes from paramilitaries and terror groups…not the state.'

Policing and law and order
The UUP manifesto supports more police officers and to achieve that goal supports 'keeping the Full Time Reserve and abolishing the 50-50 recruitment rule.'  Both proposals are of these would be contentious moves in the sectarian atmosphere of Northern Ireland.  The UUP wants Anti-Social Behaviour Orders to be 'strengthened.'  It supports a statutory charter for victims of crime.  The manifesto advocates 'a UK-wide ID card scheme…making criminal activity much more difficult, assist in the fight against terrorism, reduce electoral and welfare fraud, and help prevent illegal immigration.'  UUP policy is for 'strong laws to fight terrorism, with special criminal courts to try terrorist suspects, and expanding the surveillance powers of the security forces to combat terrorism.'

International co-operation, organisations and treaty commitments
The UUP supports firm action against international terrorism, linking this with its opposition to Irish terrorism.  It is opposed to the European Constitution, 'yet another attempt to create a European super-state.'  The manifesto iterates a vague commitment to 'supporting the developing world.'

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United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) Manifesto

The UKIP manifesto proclaims once again the party's Five Freedoms - freedom from the EU, from crime, from 'overcrowding', from bureaucratic politicians, from political correctedness.  But once again withdrawal from the EU is at the heart of its proposals.  Strangely given the general perception that UKIP is a middle class and more educated alternative to the BNP, its proposals are far less coherent and sophisticated than those of its doppelganger.

UKIP declares:  'The EU is a one-way street towards European government. It is undemocratic, corrupt and unreformable. . Only outside the EU will it be possible to begin rebuilding a Britain which is run for the British people, not for career politicians and bureaucrats.'

Europe and immigration
Thus the party proposes to repeal the European Communities Act 1972 to release the UK from its obligations under EU treaties; to re-establish the precedence of UK over EU law; and to free the UK to participate independently in international bodies like the WTO.  The party envisages a two-year period in which a UKIP government would disentangle the mass of British laws that have originated in Europe - 70% of UK legislation - amending or replacing them if necessary with laws which are in British interests. They would abolish all 'common' policies, such as for farming and fishing.

Ending 'overcrowding' is code for a total ban on economic immigration, except in exceptional circumstances.  However UKIP states that they would maintain the honourable British tradition of offering political asylum 'for genuine refugees'.  It is a heavily conditional gesture however.  They would accept:

· no request for asylum from refugees for whom the Uk is not the first 'safe port of call'
· no request from people from 'other multiparty democracies'
· no request from countries where UN, UK or other peacekeeping forces are active.

A UKIP government would give the authorities the resources to check all people entering Britain at the point of entry. Asylum seekers would be held in 'humane but secure' accommodation; their cases would be processed within two weeks.  No late claims nor any other than at a point of entry would be considered.  Successful applicants would be given help on entering the country; others would be returned.

British governance
UKIP believes unreservedly in the institutions of British government and singles out the House of Lords for protection.  They would resist 'any further dilution' of its powers and are not convinced by proposals to introduce an elected element. 'The virtue of the Lords is their independence from government and this would be reduced if they had to seek re-election.'

UKIP would reduce government targets and remove unelected advisers from ministerial offices. 'Elected politicians together with professional civil servants should have enough talent between them to run the country.'

UKIP is in favour of referendums at national and local level. At national level citizens could secure a referendum if 5% of the electorate signed up for it within a six-month period.

On devolution, they say the Scottish Parliament and National Assembly of Wales have caused 'deep disappointment', but it is up to their own populations whether they survive.  While they do continue in existence, UKIP would consider establishing 'English days' in the UK Parliament in which English MPs alone would debate legislation that applied only in England.  Regional assemblies and quangos would be abolished.

Counties and boroughs would be freed to respond to local communities rather than obeying orders from central government. They would also become more transparent and secretive 'cabinet-style' decision-making would end.  They would receive business rates and 'transfer duties on houses' to reduce their reliance on central funding.  UKIP would scrap all politically-correct appointments and encourage recycling waste.

Civil and political rights
UKIP recognises that the right to free speech carries responsibilities to others, but these responsibilities have become 'codified into a bizarre and extreme set of beliefs and behaviours by those in authority, which has earning them the title of Political Correctness'.  UKIP would re-structure the law to ensure that 'free speech again means just that'. 

UKIP expresses the view that British society has to move away from 'regulatory culture, dependency culture and compensation culture', and over reliance on the state.  They would repeal the 1999 [sic] Human Rights Act and restore British custom, common law and the principles of the European Convention on Human Ruights, which they say, 'is based on individual freedom from state control' (apparently unaware that the HRA incorporates the ECHR into British law). Outside the EU, Britain would not be affected by the European Charter of Fundamental Rights.

They also express concern about the 'hysterical wave of anti-terrorist legislation', on the grounds that effective border controls would give the British people more protection. They would not introduce ID cards and would repeal the Hunting Act - 'the government has no business legislating over such matters'.

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Veritas Manifesto

Immigration and asylum are the key issues on which Robert Kilroy-Silk's Veritas Party manifesto concentrates and form the prism through which its basic policy of EU withdrawal is presented.  Taking back control 'of our borders' takes pride of place in its EU policy.

The manifesto promises to end the government's 'open door' policy to admit only migrants with skills. They must also be able to speak English, pass health tests, have no criminal convictions and integrate into 'the British way of life'. The manifesto consistently links dangers to health and criminality to immigration and presents highly selective information on health.

On asylum, the manifesto states that 'we will only take our fair share of refugees' and pledges £500 million from its projected savings of £2 billion to assist refugees abroad.

The manifesto states that the EU costs the UK £40 billion a year and pledges to withdraw from the EU and come to a free trade agreement instead. It claims that 'unelected and unaccountable' EU commissioners now make 70 per cent of 'our law' and proposes that the British should govern 'ourselves' with our own Parliament.

Veritas has its own vision of a pluralist society. It is opposed to the multi-culturism imposed on British citizens by the liberal elite. 'We believe in a society of many colours, many faiths and many ethnic backgrounds - but one culture.'  Its manifesto promises 'zero tolerance' on crime, with a sprinkling of punitive measures.  The party also makes scapegoats of travellers, promising that those who settled on illegal sites would be made to move to legal sites or face 'immediate eviction'.

This is a manifesto founded on popular prejudices and unrealistic propositions. It shares the 'truth-telling' populism of the Conservative campaign strategy and the long-term rhetoric of the British National Party, tempered by an evident desire to proclaim a liberal attitude on race.